The short period of two months of campaigning between May and June, in the country of paella, was a whirlwind of rallies, debates and pointing fingers at one and other candidates.

After the 23-J election, many parties such as Ciudadanos, some pro-independence parties (Basque and Catalan), as well as regional parties, disappeared from the national scene. Several provinces were left without representation, including the regions of empty Spain.

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With the new Parliament, undoubtedly fragmented, which requires agreements to achieve a majority, governability will be difficult for any of the two aspirants to form a government. It is no small matter when the election does not come directly from the ballot boxes, but from political agreements that end up being decided by the King, who is obliged by law to propose a candidate.

The investiture is an important political moment, the government now led by Pedro Sánchez of the Socialist Party (PSOE) will have to negotiate to remain in office. Although it was the most voted party in the general elections, Alberto Núñez Feijóo, of the Conservative Party (PP), was not elected President of the Government. At least for the moment, anything can happen.

Many analysts consider the PP’s victory as “bitter”. One of the singularities of the Spanish parliamentary system, different from the presidentialist regimes in Latin America.

So the accounts do not add up for the two traditional parties. They will have to look for coalitions with minorities, since, if the Congress of Deputies has 350 seats, to achieve a majority they need 176. The results of the PP with 136 seats, the PSOE 122, followed by VOX (33) and SUMAR (31), are uncertain.

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In the hypothetical case that Núñez Feijóo’s party wanted to form a coalition with VOX, it would not have enough votes to form a government. The PSOE’s chances are greater. In fact, it happened with the presidency of the Congress this Thursday, when the PSOE agreed with Sumar, Junts Per Catalunya and Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya -the last two Catalan pro-independence parties- to support the candidacy of Francina Armengol (PSOE), elected by absolute majority.

It must be said that presiding and having representation as members of the Bureau of Congress has an important decision-making power, because it performs the primary function of legislating and controlling the executive, something that, by far, does not happen in Colombia.

But the alliance of the PSOE with the Catalans has once again put Spain to the test, among other things, because betting on de-judicializing the political conflict in Catalonia with a new amnesty for the rebels and a referendum could have disastrous political consequences and a high price for the country.

By way of comparison, elections in Spain are truly democratic elections, something that Latin American countries should copy to the letter. In Colombia, for example, a report by the Electoral Observation Mission (MOE) indicated about the last elections that the majority of municipalities in the country (more than half) did not have adequate conditions of guarantees to exercise the vote freely.

Back to the right in Spain, we also have to say that what we are seeing in Latin America, with the triumph of the extreme right in Argentina, is a subliminal message to the other countries in the region.

Javier Milei’s triumph is a warning about the political future of left-wing countries, a turn to the right. This may happen if the most radical sectors of the left do not handle the situation wisely. The polarization that currently exists in Colombia is an obvious problem that the ruling class does not want to see.

Spanish elections, obnoxious comparisons